Afghanistan’s defeat is a shortcut to more cyber and proxy warfare for the United States
After the withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan, it became clear that President Biden’s foreign and security policy had three main pillars, and other issues were relatively marginal and important issues. Competition and strategic confrontation with China are a major part of the White House foreign and security policy. As the debate between Congress and the White House over China over the past few years escalates, the Democratic and Republican parties are now pushing for diplomatic and economic pressure on China. Technology and the military have reached a consensus on China and agreed to intensify the conflict.
Biden also puts the policy of putting more pressure on Russia in the second foreign policy program and, unlike Trump, avoids any policy of appeasement with Moscow; perhaps a ground will be prepared to prevent Moscow’s proximity to Beijing and the separation of the two new allies. Sanctions against Moscow are one of the most serious and vital options in Washington’s foreign policy today to separate Moscow from Beijing. The policy that shaped Pink Ping diplomacy and managed to separate China from Russia must now be reversed to at least prevent Russia from becoming one of Beijing’s vassals.
Limiting the nuclear capabilities of Iran and North Korea is one of the third priorities of US foreign policy, which is still on the main agenda of Washington in the future, using the main tool of US foreign policy, namely “sanctions”.
Europe, tired of the war in Afghanistan, must also know that it is useless to expect any calm and peaceful policy of the Democratic President of the United States in the face of major global tensions; and maybe these policies will intensify in the future. The security plans of the White House and the US Congress do not diminish the importance of the Middle East in Washington’s foreign and security policy, and its military interventions and aggressions, unlike the last two decades, which some have called “endless wars,” are important. Will not be lost, because the civil wars in Afghanistan, Syria, Yemen and Libya, where the United States has a vested interest in continuing the conflict or rebuilding and transferring energy from these countries, will not be left alone and will continue to be a major challenge for the region and They remain close to themselves, especially Europe and then the United States.
Biden’s election and the catastrophic departure from Afghanistan can certainly not restore the political and diplomatic trust in the transatlantic relationship that was damaged under Trump. It is clear that the United States has lost its superpower role in leading international relations and lacks the hegemonic power necessary for global cooperation in accordance with the former routine of prioritizing US interests. This creates a situation that will make finding solutions to international crises and tensions more complex than ever; And these complexities between war and peace eventually lead to more conflicts, as well as more cyber-wars and intentions.
With Afghanistan disgraced, even US confidence-building measures and initiatives to get closer to its traditional allies in Europe and Asia, or to return to cooperation with international organizations and the Paris Memorandum, or to defend human rights and democracy, could not bring more security and peace. To Europe, America and other countries of the world. In the new world we face after the last American soldier left Kabul airport, defending liberal democracy and human rights, as well as Western values, seems ridiculous.
At present, the main bottleneck of Biden’s foreign and security policy and the realization of the US global leadership’s claim is how Biden seeks to divide the work between its traditional allies in Europe and Asia-Pacific in the face of growing power with China and other emerging world powers. And divide the burden of serious costs and responsibilities between them. Undoubtedly in the current context of sharing these responsibilities and incurring financial and human costs among US allies far and near in Europe, Asia, Oceania and even the Persian Gulf region, there are many challenges and controversies, according to the American menu and Biden’s favorable foreign and security policy goals.
Although Joe Biden repeatedly reiterates his ambitious goals and claims to lead the free world, under today’s global circumstances he cannot come close to that goal or even to the level of global relations established under Barack Obama. The tragic tragedy of Afghanistan has had such political, economic and social consequences on the mental health of the American society and decision-making structure that even the possibility of economic and financial crises resulting from this loss is not far off and will be a great challenge for the future of US global power.
Although Democrats have struggled to win a majority in Congress against Russia and China, the widening of ideological divisions and the fragmentation of political views between the two main Democratic and Republican parties; And the fragmentation of votes within each of these two parties has made it difficult for domestic and foreign policy makers to make the necessary decision-making at such a juncture in American history.
Undoubtedly, within the Democratic Party, the intellectual divide between the “Left-Progressive” faction and the “Center-Conservatives” will intensify; And all of this will put Biden, a Democrat, and Biden himself in double trouble in the upcoming congressional election against Republicans under Donald Trump’s nationalist-rightist ideology.
Therefore, the implementation of Joe Biden’s program in reviving the American infrastructure is also associated with a political-partisan challenge, and in the future it can create new obstacles and find solutions to internal and external problems and overcome obstacles to reunite and unite the United States. Make it more difficult.
The Republican Party, in turn, is struggling with unprecedented divisions and divisions throughout its history. The challenge of Donald Trump in early 2021 in not accepting the results of the November election and the political unrest that ensued on January 6, 2021, is not only an attack on the institutions and symbols of democracy in the United States; And it has puzzled the American political community, but it has also left the Republican Party in a dilemma.
Despite all the gaps and ambiguities, the majority of Republican members refused to distance themselves significantly from Trump after the Jan. 6 conflict. In the political ousting of Trump in the Senate, only a small number were willing to condemn Trump’s action, and therefore, he will remain active and important as a magic lamp giant in the political arena of the United States and the Republican Party for the foreseeable future.
For Biden, the only thing left to do is to pursue specific protectionist policies to look inward and strengthen domestic businesses. US trade policies will no longer be defined as whether they ultimately serve the wealthy American class and make the rich richer again. If the rich do not put their wealth on the table to rebuild the US economy, the US will again experience a worse recession than in 2008, and in the wake of other tensions between the Atlantic and trade disputes between Europe and the US over economic behavior, also intensifies with China.
In trade and sanctions policies, the United States can no longer rely solely on confrontation and conflict, as it did in the past. Unlike in the past, the customs tariff lever will no longer be effective and could not be the Biden government’s next choice. Economic sanctions against enemies and rivals will henceforth further harm the United States as a tool of pressure.
by Tony Johnson